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一 |     (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity.    Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies.    Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience.    Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence.    He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception.    This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance.    A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice.    The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems.        The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers.    Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation.    That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China.    China's context, however, is fundamentally different.    As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history.    This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity.    From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity.    This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion.    In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions.        Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state.    Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities.    So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies.    They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.                    。    《黄昏血族》是一款由From Software制作并发行的多人动作角色扮演游戏，由宫崎英高担任总监，将于2026年内发售，登陆Switch 2平台。    今日，PC游戏媒体PC Gamer撰写了一篇专栏文章，简要探讨了《黄昏血族》目前Switch 2独占的情况，并表示在真正试玩之后，对这款游戏不上PC的焦虑就消失了，因为游戏本身并没有让人印象深刻。    文章作者Tyler Colp指出，在周末进行的封闭网络测试中，他大部分时间都在一脸懵地搞不清楚到底发生了什么，即便最后终于弄明白了游戏是怎么回事，也没有觉得它有多么令人印象深刻。

二 | 他表示，本次网络测试没能给玩家留下良好的第一印象，首先，测试仅提供一张地图、6名可操作角色，没有Build自定义功能，只能单人匹配，而且似乎还只开放了序章教程的一部分。在Switch 2上游玩时，无论是主机模式还是掌机模式都遇到了几乎无法正常游玩的输入延迟，花了大量时间与游戏基础操作“搏斗”。    而在试玩过后，Tyler Colp认为，《黄昏血族》最终或许会证明自己是一款制作精良、独具特色的吸血鬼多人游戏，但就目前而言，他认为《黄昏血族》更像是一堆颇具吸引力的系统杂乱地堆在一起，却没有形成一个真正值得PC玩家花大价钱购买一台主机来体验的完整游戏。游戏中有着许多经典的FromSoftware文本，晦涩得毫无必要却又极具意境，并且对于真正游玩这款游戏完全没有起到任何帮助。游戏的整体架构有点像MOBA，玩家需要刷小兵来收集“美德”点数来为每场对局最后的PvP团战做准备（如果是单人则是自由混战）。对局期间，敌方玩家会试图Gank你，你也可以去Gank别人。    并且他还表示，本作的PvP存在感实在不高，甚至可以说是无足轻重，被其他玩家击杀除了让你在刷取Virtue的进度上倒退之外，并不会带来其他影响。与其如此，还不如把它当成一款普通的魂系游戏来速通，只是在过程中偶尔有机会参与PvP。当然，游戏也有很多有趣的设计，比如可以通过喊话来招募敌人为盟友，但在实际战斗中，他们的AI有些不太适应游戏的节奏，往往不能达到你预取的战斗计划。    文末，Tyler Colp总结表示，既然我们这些拥有电脑的玩家无法体验《黄昏血族》更高的帧率，也不用支付会员订阅费用，那么或许我们并没有错过太多东西。他认为，本作最出色的创意，在一款大部分时间都像是在玩一款10年前的MMO、不断刷怪完成任务的游戏里最终没能发挥出来。它没有任何东西真正吸引住我，他甚至开始觉得，《黄昏血族》最终可能会成为第一款让他选择直接跳过的FromSoftware游戏。本文由游民星空制作发布，未经允许禁止转载。更多相关资讯请关注：黄昏血族专区。

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